Security Politics and Regional Integration: ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC

Introductionthe MERCOSUR countries are yet to achieve security
During the Cold War, Latin America, Southern Africa– the Brazilian Real devaluation of 1999 and other
and even the dynamic Southeast Asia hardly figured infinancial crises in Argentina and Brazil being cases in
international politics. Studies on the Cold War politicspoint. These crises have even led the MERCOSUR
and the scramble for security in other parts of themembers to question its existence.
world, particularly in the industrial West mostlyThe State Level
overlooked the Third World countries and their questAn analysis of Third World security at the state level
for security. Even after the Cold War ended, Thirdencounters enormous problems because of the vast
World security predicaments remain because of thedimensions of security and differences in the
existence of a very complex balance of power that isperceptions and conditions in these states. Security for
often precariously balanced. The current phase of thethese states always goes beyond the common issue
globalisation, as Kenichi Ohmae (1990; 1993; 1996) putsof the state’s ability to protect its resources and
it, has become a ‘borderless world’ whereborders and involves the dimensions of food,
economic forces and free trade have become theenvironment, economy, elites, society, culture and the
main theme of international relations. In such a situation,legitimacy and survival of the states and regimes. In
the Third World countries often have to play awkwardother words, the whole dimensions of military, political,
balancing acts. This article is therefore an attempt toeconomic, societal and environmental securities are all
look into this Third World security predicament at threeequally important for the Third World. In recent years,
analytical levels – the international system, thethe problem of transnational crime, drug trafficking and
regional and state levels. This analysis is done usingterrorism have also added to the security dilemma of
three important regional organisations in the Thirdthese states.
World – ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. This isFirstly, the role played by the armed forces is vital for
an attempt to reveal how security politics and regionalregimes and governments in ensuring and maintaining
integration are interrelated and intertwined in the Thirdtheir sovereignty, ideology and legitimacy. This political
World. In the process, it will contribute to ourrole of the military in the Third World coupled with the
understanding of how these regional organisationsweakness of government institutions have led armed
cope and deal with security issues with the currentgroups and the paramilitary forces to gain more power
phase of globalisation.and influence. In the case of Thailand, military coups
What is security?after military coups have happened because of the
Security in international politics is a moot point, and itextremely powerful political position that the military
remains so to date. For a very long time, the traditionalenjoyed. In Indonesia too, the longevity of regimes
thinking had been that "the state is and should bedepended on controlling the military. The military has
about security, with emphasis on military and politicalalso been used to gain more power even illegitimately.
security" (Buzan et al 1998:37). This notion of securityThis in turn leads to the use of more military might
has been prevalent since the Westphalian peace ofagainst opposition forces leading to the deaths of
1648 where the concept of the nation state wasthousands. This type of military adventurism and use
created. This view became more important during theof the military is particularly widespread in Africa. For
twentieth Century with the two World Wars and theexample, in August 1998, Angola, Zimbabwe and
consequent Cold War that lasted for almost fiveNamibia decided to take part in an intervention
decades. Following the end of the Cold War, theoperation in the DRC to fight against rebel forces. This
scope of security in academic studies has beenintervention happened based on the request of
changed with many "wideners" who argued that thePresident Laurent Kabila who came to power through
subject needed to embrace a more varied range ofmilitary force. In most parts of the world, the
threats and move beyond the traditional emphasis onmilitarisation of these problems and the new role that
the military aspects of security for the state. Suchthe military began to play ironically led to more
changes in perception have created debates betweeninsecurity for the civilian population. Such roles as
those still subscribing to the traditional thinking andplayed by the military could bring them into contact
those who wanted to "widen" the definition of securitywith the civilian population and increase the chances of
so as to include other nonmilitary threats too.[1]human rights violations. It could also bring them into
Security in the Third Worlddirect confrontation with the people (Pion-Berlin 2000).
Since 1945, many of the most significant threats toBut as a whole, the political role that the military played
state security have become internal rather thanhad immensely reduced since the process of
external, a shift which has profound consequences fordemocratisation began.
international relations. As Holsti (1996: 15) writes,In addition to the secessionist movements, ethnic
security between states in the Third World "hasviolence and internal unrest, the states of ASEAN are
become increasingly dependent on security withinsusceptible to economic crises and are economically
those states." For the Third World states, securityunstable. Monetary security has not been achieved.
does not simply refer to the external military threatFor example, the Thai economy underwent a severe
dimension but also to the whole range of theeconomic crisis during the 1970s and early 1980s that
state’s existence which includes internal securityled the economy to the verge of collapse. Several
and nation building; secure systems of food, health,reforms were initiated under the International Monetary
economy, trade and environment (Thomas 1987). TheFund (IMF) and the World Bank through which the Thai
Third World states, like all states are concerned witheconomy slowly recovered. The Asian Crisis of the
their own security, internal and external. But as theylate 1990s also had severe effects on the economies
are mostly poor, underdeveloped and postcolonial,of these states.
Third World states inherited their colonial economies,Environmentally, over exploitation of resources and the
political structures and security perceptions. Some arelimited concern paid to the environment has now been
pre-modern and weak, characterised by low levels ofthe subject of international dispute and one in which
sociopolitical cohesion and poorly developed structuresregional organisations are now more involved. As the
of government. The securities of these states areECLA (2001) stated, "The environment has played an
therefore shaped by these characteristics. To theimportant role in the production of resource-based
authoritarian governments of the Third World, securitycommodities as well as in the provision of food and
also means countering internal subversion and keepingother amenities for the population. Nevertheless, an
internal order at any cost.integral relationship between economic and social
The next three sections will deal with security politicsdevelopment and the environment did not form the
and regional integration in the Third World mostlybasis for development strategies and policies pursued
through the different dimensions of security at threein the Caribbean. Since the Uruguay round of
analytical levels – the international, regional and statemultilateral trade negotiations, the importance of
levels. Where appropriate, the security dimensions willenvironment to trade and development has become
include the military, political, economic, societal andgenerally accepted. However, developing countries
environmental sectors.[2] Besides these dimensions,have been concerned about proposals to bring
security concerns are located in both the external andenvironment and labour standards within the purview
internal dimensions. As mentioned before, this analysisof the WTO. This was part of the reason for the
will be done looking at how the three regionalfailure to launch a new round of trade negotiations in
organisations of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADCSeattle in 2000. Environmental issues were again on
deal with security issues.the agenda at the Doha Ministerial meeting in
The International SystemNovember 2001."
The Cold War PeriodIntegration and Security
The politics of the Cold War had dominated theFrom what has been said above, security and its
working of the international system for a major part ofperception, for many of the Third World states
the second half of the twentieth century. It is interestingcontinue to be the main source of strain for any
to note that while the Third World states wereregional integration movements. During the Cold War,
unimportant in the global balance of power and hardlythe international system had created a condition that
figured in the security agendas of Westernled to the emergence of internal strife and, sometimes,
policy-makers, the prevailing bipolar system and thewars. Such ill effects destroyed the thin fabric that
preoccupation of the Western powers with the spreadholds Third World countries in their endeavour to come
of communism and its containment exacerbatedtogether.
conflicts in the Third World. While conflicts in the coreThe very nature of the ASEAN Way of
and strategic areas of Europe and North Americanoninterference, multilateral consultations can also be
were avoided, the Cold War turned out to be a hotmodified to a more useful and practical way. Instead
one in and for the Third World states where theof ignoring the underlying problems and skirting the
superpowers played the game of international politics.issues, they must be directly addressed. Of course,
The Vietnam War was the clearest result andsovereignty of a member should be respected, but as
example.a regional organisation, it is also its responsibility to
The intensity of the Vietnam War and the increasingeffectively deal with a member’s problems in a
involvement of the Soviet Union and the growingconstructive way. Linked to all of these is the problem
threat to regional security led ASEAN to adopt athat ASEAN regionalism faced. It lacked in capacity
nonaligned policy. The Vietnam War continued to strainand resources. These limitations are augmented by
members’ relationships and threaten regionalcharter constraints which accord a high priority to
security. Communist victories in Cambodia, Laos andprinciples like sovereignty and noninterference. In such
Vietnam worsened the situation. By 1976, ASEAN wasa situation, prospects for cooperation are further
forced to contemplate being an association withreduced. Even as ASEAN had "come to be regarded
security as its predominant concern. Thus at theas one of the most successful experiments in
February 1976 Bali Summit Meeting, the Treaty ofregionalism in the developing world" (Acharya 1993: 3),
Amity and Cooperation and the Declaration of ASEANASEAN Way or ASEAN’s informal process of
Concord were signed. They agreed to "The right ofnoninterference has come under severe criticism.
every state to lead its national existence; free fromBecause of these reasons, some have commented
external interference, subversion or coercion; nonthat its "central purpose seemed to consist in
interference in the internal affairs of one another;concealing fundamental differences of view among its
settlement of differences or disputes by peacefulmembers under the guise of consensus and
means; and the renunciation of the threat or use ofnon-interference" and that "The ASEAN Way" did not
force" (ASEAN 1976). The reunification of Vietnam, thedeal with underlying tensions; it simply ignored them"
worsening internal security problems and the(Jones and Smith 2002: 103, 108).
Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia led to anotherThe Southern African scenario was quite different
security dilemma for ASEAN during the mid-1970s.from that of ASEAN. For many years, the SADCC
Negotiations followed during which time ASEAN’smember states had faced the brunt of South
importance as a regional organisation to settle disputesAfrica’s ‘Total Strategy’ of destabilisation
and maintain security was widely recognised. Vietnamand blackmail. From the 1990s, new hopes emerged
withdrew from Cambodia in 1989 and the Vietnamwithin the region. But hope and reality often go their
War was concluded by the 1991 Paris Peaceseparate ways. Therefore, for the SADC to continue
Agreement.as a strong regional organisation, the SADC Organ on
Meanwhile, the southern African security problemPolitics, Defense and Security Cooperation (OPDSC)
during the Cold War was exacerbated by theshould not be allowed to function as its predecessor,
presence of apartheid South Africa, a regime whichthe OPDS. Members’ suspicion of each other can
also adopted a strong anticommunist policy and camebe removed through a series of confidence building
out harshly against any socialist orientations. Angolameasures, and the adoption of a system of shared
and Mozambique, having chosen this path, wereleadership. For the OPDSC to be effective, it needs to
particularly targeted. During the 1950s and more in theadopt a concept of security that takes into account
1960s, the South African Defence Force (SADF)military, political, social, economic and environmental
developed a national security doctrine (Total Strategy)issues. Mutual suspicion still remains in southern Africa
stressing the psychological, social and economicthat led to diverse perception of security. Southern
means to target its enemies, in addition to the militaryAfrican states have not yet shared common values
means. The South African government established aand visions too. An optimistic outcome that can be
framework for implementing policies which completelyascertained from the Protocol on Politics, Defence and
cut across all sectors of public life, called the NationalSecurity Cooperation and the Strategic Indicative Plan
Security Management System. Louis Nel, then Southfor the Organ (SIPO) is that the SADC seem to have
African Deputy Foreign Minister, said in Novemberabandoned the narrow view of security that was
1982, "The Kremlin has actively supported the southernprevalent during the Cold War period. Its agenda now
African Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movements inincludes both the politico-military threats (inter-state
their quest for power in Angola, Mozambique, andwar, internal war, large-scale human rights abuses, war
Zimbabwe. The Kremlin is currently backing SWAPO,crimes against humanity, genocide, coups d’état
the South African ANC and the South Africanand other forms of illegal seizure of power, poor
Communist Party who operate against SWA/Namibiagovernance and abuse of power, dangers of instability
and the Republic of South Africa, respectively"accompanying political transition periods and attacks on
(Quoted in Hanlon 1986: 8). Using such words had twodemocratic institutions) and non-military threats (food
advantages – the policy of apartheid could be seensecurity, mass movements of refugees, illegal migrants,
as communist-inspired and it demanded Westernhumanitarian and natural disasters, disease, poverty
support as it was a bulwark against the communistand underdevelopment and ecological degradation)
onslaught (Hanlon 1986: 8).(Hammerstad 2005: 7). Another major issue for
The United States, being a great power, recognisessouthern Africa in recent times has been the problem
Latin America as being under its sphere of influence.of AIDS/HIV. Interaction and cooperation between
Beginning mostly with the Monroe Doctrine of 1823people, individual, parties, leaders and government will
when the US President James Monroe warned thehelp a great deal. It is now up to the states to gather
European powers to keep out of the Americas, thepace and start the process of confidence building and
US has, in effect, reserved the right to exert influencecooperation in the military, political, social, economic and
and interfere in Latin America. This has been a policycultural fields.
factor for the US as well as many Latin AmericanBy the 1990s, many of the erstwhile interstate conflicts
countries for a long time. The Cold War also cut Latinin Latin America (Argentina-Chile, Peru-Ecuador, El
American countries (LAC) from the possibility ofSalvador-Honduras, Chile-Peru) had been diplomatically
relations with other regions. As a result, many of theresolved. The policies of rapprochements followed
countries of the region lessened their dependence onboth by Brazil and Argentina had also paid dividends
the superpowers. It was the UN Economicleading to the eventual formation of MERCOSUR, one
Commission for Latin America (ECLA) that shapedof the biggest economic groupings in the world,
much of the South American regionalism. This can beeventually representing 45% of the population of Latin
seen as an indirect opposition to the superpowerAmerica. Democratic institutions in Latin America being
hegemony. Contrary to Europe, this part of the worldrelatively new, they are weak in their structures paving
has been relatively peaceful until the 1960s when thethe way for nonstate actors to wreak havoc
Cold War became a hot one with the Cuban missile(Steinhilber 2006: 7). The internal problems therefore
crisis of 1962. While several interstate wars eruptedinclude drugs trafficking, arms trafficking, organised
after the 1960s, the real security problem for Latincrime, environment, natural disasters, social deprivation,
America was the Cold War, with the countries of thetransnational crime, guerrilla organisations, state
region progressively becoming an American zone ofdysfunction and counterrevolutionary violent activities
influence. Since the 1960s, the United States hadthat in many cases lead to militarisation and
increasingly intervened militarily in its own backyard andconfrontations between groups. The key risk factors
installed puppet governments.for Latin America after the Cold War are associated
The Cold War also ushered a dangerous arms andwith lack of governance, instability, and weak
nuclear race. In the face of such a threat, in 1971, ademocratic institutionalisation (Aravena 2004: 6). Let
Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN)not the mere formation of MERCOSUR be the end.
Declaration was signed by member states of ASEAN.Instead of relying on mere rhetoric and ideologies, the
This Declaration can be seen as a reaction to themember states must work collectively in a cooperative
emerging multipolarity of the region with the USSR, US,spirit and tackle these enormous problems head on.
China and Japan as the principal powers influencingAs a whole, the regions of Southeast Asia, Southern
events in Southeast Asia. Likewise, through the Foz deAfrica and South America have peculiar kinds of
Iguazu Declaration of November 1985, Brazil andsecurity concerns different from the Western idea of
Argentina declared that their nuclear programs weresecurity. For them, security does not alone imply being
to be for peaceful purposes only. Such action on thesafe from external threat and having a huge stockpile
part of Third World states can be seen as their desireor arsenal; it also means being secured from internal
to keep away from the Cold War politics ofsubversion. It also means regime maintenance and
interferences and aggressions from the superpowerscontinuance, secure systems of food, health, trade and
that destabilise the Third World regions.development. All these problems are interlinked. These
Post-Cold War Periodproblems challenge the legitimacy of governments
The decline of the Soviet Union and the change in thewhich in turn results in ineffective governments
bipolar world had more immediate effects for the Thirdincapable of ensuring security for the people. But at the
World. It witnessed the emergence of the Unitedsame time, no single organisation or model has
States as the sole superpower which has becomemanaged to establish strong governance for these
even more powerful with time.regions to achieve these goals satisfactorily. To create
Politically, the end of the Cold War resulted in thea new organisation to address these issues is out of
removal of support for many Third World states andthe question. The existing ASEAN, SADC and
movements. The collapse of the Soviet Union hasMERCOSUR organisations can lead the way in
discredited the alternative model and ideologyimproving relations while at the same time seeking
represented by the Soviet Union. This in turn affectedways to ensure security for the Third World states,
many movements and supports in many Third Worldprovided that these organisations become more
states including members of ASEAN, MERCOSURproactive and sincere in their activities.
and SADC. Economically, it has also resulted inEND NOTES
changes in the direction of trade and businesses. The[1] To read more on this, see Ullman (1983); Hirsch and
military dimension also produces the same result ofDoyle (1977); Meadows et al (1972); Ruggie (1982); Walt
redirection of arms trade, transfers and dealings. The(1991); Mearcheimer (1990); Ayoob (1997); Peterson and
post Cold War world, epitomised by the great powerSebenius (1992); Lynn-Jones and Miller (1995); Buzan
influence of the US, its involvement in Third World(1991a); Buzan (1991b); Buzan et al (1998) and Wirtz
problems and conflicts (Iraq, Afghanistan etc.), besides(2002).
the complex web of international relations has and will[2] This is derived from Buzan et al (1998)
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