| Introduction | | | | the MERCOSUR countries are yet to achieve security |
| During the Cold War, Latin America, Southern Africa | | | | – the Brazilian Real devaluation of 1999 and other |
| and even the dynamic Southeast Asia hardly figured in | | | | financial crises in Argentina and Brazil being cases in |
| international politics. Studies on the Cold War politics | | | | point. These crises have even led the MERCOSUR |
| and the scramble for security in other parts of the | | | | members to question its existence. |
| world, particularly in the industrial West mostly | | | | The State Level |
| overlooked the Third World countries and their quest | | | | An analysis of Third World security at the state level |
| for security. Even after the Cold War ended, Third | | | | encounters enormous problems because of the vast |
| World security predicaments remain because of the | | | | dimensions of security and differences in the |
| existence of a very complex balance of power that is | | | | perceptions and conditions in these states. Security for |
| often precariously balanced. The current phase of the | | | | these states always goes beyond the common issue |
| globalisation, as Kenichi Ohmae (1990; 1993; 1996) puts | | | | of the state’s ability to protect its resources and |
| it, has become a ‘borderless world’ where | | | | borders and involves the dimensions of food, |
| economic forces and free trade have become the | | | | environment, economy, elites, society, culture and the |
| main theme of international relations. In such a situation, | | | | legitimacy and survival of the states and regimes. In |
| the Third World countries often have to play awkward | | | | other words, the whole dimensions of military, political, |
| balancing acts. This article is therefore an attempt to | | | | economic, societal and environmental securities are all |
| look into this Third World security predicament at three | | | | equally important for the Third World. In recent years, |
| analytical levels – the international system, the | | | | the problem of transnational crime, drug trafficking and |
| regional and state levels. This analysis is done using | | | | terrorism have also added to the security dilemma of |
| three important regional organisations in the Third | | | | these states. |
| World – ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. This is | | | | Firstly, the role played by the armed forces is vital for |
| an attempt to reveal how security politics and regional | | | | regimes and governments in ensuring and maintaining |
| integration are interrelated and intertwined in the Third | | | | their sovereignty, ideology and legitimacy. This political |
| World. In the process, it will contribute to our | | | | role of the military in the Third World coupled with the |
| understanding of how these regional organisations | | | | weakness of government institutions have led armed |
| cope and deal with security issues with the current | | | | groups and the paramilitary forces to gain more power |
| phase of globalisation. | | | | and influence. In the case of Thailand, military coups |
| What is security? | | | | after military coups have happened because of the |
| Security in international politics is a moot point, and it | | | | extremely powerful political position that the military |
| remains so to date. For a very long time, the traditional | | | | enjoyed. In Indonesia too, the longevity of regimes |
| thinking had been that "the state is and should be | | | | depended on controlling the military. The military has |
| about security, with emphasis on military and political | | | | also been used to gain more power even illegitimately. |
| security" (Buzan et al 1998:37). This notion of security | | | | This in turn leads to the use of more military might |
| has been prevalent since the Westphalian peace of | | | | against opposition forces leading to the deaths of |
| 1648 where the concept of the nation state was | | | | thousands. This type of military adventurism and use |
| created. This view became more important during the | | | | of the military is particularly widespread in Africa. For |
| twentieth Century with the two World Wars and the | | | | example, in August 1998, Angola, Zimbabwe and |
| consequent Cold War that lasted for almost five | | | | Namibia decided to take part in an intervention |
| decades. Following the end of the Cold War, the | | | | operation in the DRC to fight against rebel forces. This |
| scope of security in academic studies has been | | | | intervention happened based on the request of |
| changed with many "wideners" who argued that the | | | | President Laurent Kabila who came to power through |
| subject needed to embrace a more varied range of | | | | military force. In most parts of the world, the |
| threats and move beyond the traditional emphasis on | | | | militarisation of these problems and the new role that |
| the military aspects of security for the state. Such | | | | the military began to play ironically led to more |
| changes in perception have created debates between | | | | insecurity for the civilian population. Such roles as |
| those still subscribing to the traditional thinking and | | | | played by the military could bring them into contact |
| those who wanted to "widen" the definition of security | | | | with the civilian population and increase the chances of |
| so as to include other nonmilitary threats too.[1] | | | | human rights violations. It could also bring them into |
| Security in the Third World | | | | direct confrontation with the people (Pion-Berlin 2000). |
| Since 1945, many of the most significant threats to | | | | But as a whole, the political role that the military played |
| state security have become internal rather than | | | | had immensely reduced since the process of |
| external, a shift which has profound consequences for | | | | democratisation began. |
| international relations. As Holsti (1996: 15) writes, | | | | In addition to the secessionist movements, ethnic |
| security between states in the Third World "has | | | | violence and internal unrest, the states of ASEAN are |
| become increasingly dependent on security within | | | | susceptible to economic crises and are economically |
| those states." For the Third World states, security | | | | unstable. Monetary security has not been achieved. |
| does not simply refer to the external military threat | | | | For example, the Thai economy underwent a severe |
| dimension but also to the whole range of the | | | | economic crisis during the 1970s and early 1980s that |
| state’s existence which includes internal security | | | | led the economy to the verge of collapse. Several |
| and nation building; secure systems of food, health, | | | | reforms were initiated under the International Monetary |
| economy, trade and environment (Thomas 1987). The | | | | Fund (IMF) and the World Bank through which the Thai |
| Third World states, like all states are concerned with | | | | economy slowly recovered. The Asian Crisis of the |
| their own security, internal and external. But as they | | | | late 1990s also had severe effects on the economies |
| are mostly poor, underdeveloped and postcolonial, | | | | of these states. |
| Third World states inherited their colonial economies, | | | | Environmentally, over exploitation of resources and the |
| political structures and security perceptions. Some are | | | | limited concern paid to the environment has now been |
| pre-modern and weak, characterised by low levels of | | | | the subject of international dispute and one in which |
| sociopolitical cohesion and poorly developed structures | | | | regional organisations are now more involved. As the |
| of government. The securities of these states are | | | | ECLA (2001) stated, "The environment has played an |
| therefore shaped by these characteristics. To the | | | | important role in the production of resource-based |
| authoritarian governments of the Third World, security | | | | commodities as well as in the provision of food and |
| also means countering internal subversion and keeping | | | | other amenities for the population. Nevertheless, an |
| internal order at any cost. | | | | integral relationship between economic and social |
| The next three sections will deal with security politics | | | | development and the environment did not form the |
| and regional integration in the Third World mostly | | | | basis for development strategies and policies pursued |
| through the different dimensions of security at three | | | | in the Caribbean. Since the Uruguay round of |
| analytical levels – the international, regional and state | | | | multilateral trade negotiations, the importance of |
| levels. Where appropriate, the security dimensions will | | | | environment to trade and development has become |
| include the military, political, economic, societal and | | | | generally accepted. However, developing countries |
| environmental sectors.[2] Besides these dimensions, | | | | have been concerned about proposals to bring |
| security concerns are located in both the external and | | | | environment and labour standards within the purview |
| internal dimensions. As mentioned before, this analysis | | | | of the WTO. This was part of the reason for the |
| will be done looking at how the three regional | | | | failure to launch a new round of trade negotiations in |
| organisations of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC | | | | Seattle in 2000. Environmental issues were again on |
| deal with security issues. | | | | the agenda at the Doha Ministerial meeting in |
| The International System | | | | November 2001." |
| | | | |
| The Cold War Period | | | | Integration and Security |
| The politics of the Cold War had dominated the | | | | From what has been said above, security and its |
| working of the international system for a major part of | | | | perception, for many of the Third World states |
| the second half of the twentieth century. It is interesting | | | | continue to be the main source of strain for any |
| to note that while the Third World states were | | | | regional integration movements. During the Cold War, |
| unimportant in the global balance of power and hardly | | | | the international system had created a condition that |
| figured in the security agendas of Western | | | | led to the emergence of internal strife and, sometimes, |
| policy-makers, the prevailing bipolar system and the | | | | wars. Such ill effects destroyed the thin fabric that |
| preoccupation of the Western powers with the spread | | | | holds Third World countries in their endeavour to come |
| of communism and its containment exacerbated | | | | together. |
| conflicts in the Third World. While conflicts in the core | | | | The very nature of the ASEAN Way of |
| and strategic areas of Europe and North America | | | | noninterference, multilateral consultations can also be |
| were avoided, the Cold War turned out to be a hot | | | | modified to a more useful and practical way. Instead |
| one in and for the Third World states where the | | | | of ignoring the underlying problems and skirting the |
| superpowers played the game of international politics. | | | | issues, they must be directly addressed. Of course, |
| The Vietnam War was the clearest result and | | | | sovereignty of a member should be respected, but as |
| example. | | | | a regional organisation, it is also its responsibility to |
| The intensity of the Vietnam War and the increasing | | | | effectively deal with a member’s problems in a |
| involvement of the Soviet Union and the growing | | | | constructive way. Linked to all of these is the problem |
| threat to regional security led ASEAN to adopt a | | | | that ASEAN regionalism faced. It lacked in capacity |
| nonaligned policy. The Vietnam War continued to strain | | | | and resources. These limitations are augmented by |
| members’ relationships and threaten regional | | | | charter constraints which accord a high priority to |
| security. Communist victories in Cambodia, Laos and | | | | principles like sovereignty and noninterference. In such |
| Vietnam worsened the situation. By 1976, ASEAN was | | | | a situation, prospects for cooperation are further |
| forced to contemplate being an association with | | | | reduced. Even as ASEAN had "come to be regarded |
| security as its predominant concern. Thus at the | | | | as one of the most successful experiments in |
| February 1976 Bali Summit Meeting, the Treaty of | | | | regionalism in the developing world" (Acharya 1993: 3), |
| Amity and Cooperation and the Declaration of ASEAN | | | | ASEAN Way or ASEAN’s informal process of |
| Concord were signed. They agreed to "The right of | | | | noninterference has come under severe criticism. |
| every state to lead its national existence; free from | | | | Because of these reasons, some have commented |
| external interference, subversion or coercion; non | | | | that its "central purpose seemed to consist in |
| interference in the internal affairs of one another; | | | | concealing fundamental differences of view among its |
| settlement of differences or disputes by peaceful | | | | members under the guise of consensus and |
| means; and the renunciation of the threat or use of | | | | non-interference" and that "The ASEAN Way" did not |
| force" (ASEAN 1976). The reunification of Vietnam, the | | | | deal with underlying tensions; it simply ignored them" |
| worsening internal security problems and the | | | | (Jones and Smith 2002: 103, 108). |
| Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia led to another | | | | The Southern African scenario was quite different |
| security dilemma for ASEAN during the mid-1970s. | | | | from that of ASEAN. For many years, the SADCC |
| Negotiations followed during which time ASEAN’s | | | | member states had faced the brunt of South |
| importance as a regional organisation to settle disputes | | | | Africa’s ‘Total Strategy’ of destabilisation |
| and maintain security was widely recognised. Vietnam | | | | and blackmail. From the 1990s, new hopes emerged |
| withdrew from Cambodia in 1989 and the Vietnam | | | | within the region. But hope and reality often go their |
| War was concluded by the 1991 Paris Peace | | | | separate ways. Therefore, for the SADC to continue |
| Agreement. | | | | as a strong regional organisation, the SADC Organ on |
| Meanwhile, the southern African security problem | | | | Politics, Defense and Security Cooperation (OPDSC) |
| during the Cold War was exacerbated by the | | | | should not be allowed to function as its predecessor, |
| presence of apartheid South Africa, a regime which | | | | the OPDS. Members’ suspicion of each other can |
| also adopted a strong anticommunist policy and came | | | | be removed through a series of confidence building |
| out harshly against any socialist orientations. Angola | | | | measures, and the adoption of a system of shared |
| and Mozambique, having chosen this path, were | | | | leadership. For the OPDSC to be effective, it needs to |
| particularly targeted. During the 1950s and more in the | | | | adopt a concept of security that takes into account |
| 1960s, the South African Defence Force (SADF) | | | | military, political, social, economic and environmental |
| developed a national security doctrine (Total Strategy) | | | | issues. Mutual suspicion still remains in southern Africa |
| stressing the psychological, social and economic | | | | that led to diverse perception of security. Southern |
| means to target its enemies, in addition to the military | | | | African states have not yet shared common values |
| means. The South African government established a | | | | and visions too. An optimistic outcome that can be |
| framework for implementing policies which completely | | | | ascertained from the Protocol on Politics, Defence and |
| cut across all sectors of public life, called the National | | | | Security Cooperation and the Strategic Indicative Plan |
| Security Management System. Louis Nel, then South | | | | for the Organ (SIPO) is that the SADC seem to have |
| African Deputy Foreign Minister, said in November | | | | abandoned the narrow view of security that was |
| 1982, "The Kremlin has actively supported the southern | | | | prevalent during the Cold War period. Its agenda now |
| African Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movements in | | | | includes both the politico-military threats (inter-state |
| their quest for power in Angola, Mozambique, and | | | | war, internal war, large-scale human rights abuses, war |
| Zimbabwe. The Kremlin is currently backing SWAPO, | | | | crimes against humanity, genocide, coups d’état |
| the South African ANC and the South African | | | | and other forms of illegal seizure of power, poor |
| Communist Party who operate against SWA/Namibia | | | | governance and abuse of power, dangers of instability |
| and the Republic of South Africa, respectively" | | | | accompanying political transition periods and attacks on |
| (Quoted in Hanlon 1986: 8). Using such words had two | | | | democratic institutions) and non-military threats (food |
| advantages – the policy of apartheid could be seen | | | | security, mass movements of refugees, illegal migrants, |
| as communist-inspired and it demanded Western | | | | humanitarian and natural disasters, disease, poverty |
| support as it was a bulwark against the communist | | | | and underdevelopment and ecological degradation) |
| onslaught (Hanlon 1986: 8). | | | | (Hammerstad 2005: 7). Another major issue for |
| The United States, being a great power, recognises | | | | southern Africa in recent times has been the problem |
| Latin America as being under its sphere of influence. | | | | of AIDS/HIV. Interaction and cooperation between |
| Beginning mostly with the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 | | | | people, individual, parties, leaders and government will |
| when the US President James Monroe warned the | | | | help a great deal. It is now up to the states to gather |
| European powers to keep out of the Americas, the | | | | pace and start the process of confidence building and |
| US has, in effect, reserved the right to exert influence | | | | cooperation in the military, political, social, economic and |
| and interfere in Latin America. This has been a policy | | | | cultural fields. |
| factor for the US as well as many Latin American | | | | By the 1990s, many of the erstwhile interstate conflicts |
| countries for a long time. The Cold War also cut Latin | | | | in Latin America (Argentina-Chile, Peru-Ecuador, El |
| American countries (LAC) from the possibility of | | | | Salvador-Honduras, Chile-Peru) had been diplomatically |
| relations with other regions. As a result, many of the | | | | resolved. The policies of rapprochements followed |
| countries of the region lessened their dependence on | | | | both by Brazil and Argentina had also paid dividends |
| the superpowers. It was the UN Economic | | | | leading to the eventual formation of MERCOSUR, one |
| Commission for Latin America (ECLA) that shaped | | | | of the biggest economic groupings in the world, |
| much of the South American regionalism. This can be | | | | eventually representing 45% of the population of Latin |
| seen as an indirect opposition to the superpower | | | | America. Democratic institutions in Latin America being |
| hegemony. Contrary to Europe, this part of the world | | | | relatively new, they are weak in their structures paving |
| has been relatively peaceful until the 1960s when the | | | | the way for nonstate actors to wreak havoc |
| Cold War became a hot one with the Cuban missile | | | | (Steinhilber 2006: 7). The internal problems therefore |
| crisis of 1962. While several interstate wars erupted | | | | include drugs trafficking, arms trafficking, organised |
| after the 1960s, the real security problem for Latin | | | | crime, environment, natural disasters, social deprivation, |
| America was the Cold War, with the countries of the | | | | transnational crime, guerrilla organisations, state |
| region progressively becoming an American zone of | | | | dysfunction and counterrevolutionary violent activities |
| influence. Since the 1960s, the United States had | | | | that in many cases lead to militarisation and |
| increasingly intervened militarily in its own backyard and | | | | confrontations between groups. The key risk factors |
| installed puppet governments. | | | | for Latin America after the Cold War are associated |
| The Cold War also ushered a dangerous arms and | | | | with lack of governance, instability, and weak |
| nuclear race. In the face of such a threat, in 1971, a | | | | democratic institutionalisation (Aravena 2004: 6). Let |
| Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) | | | | not the mere formation of MERCOSUR be the end. |
| Declaration was signed by member states of ASEAN. | | | | Instead of relying on mere rhetoric and ideologies, the |
| This Declaration can be seen as a reaction to the | | | | member states must work collectively in a cooperative |
| emerging multipolarity of the region with the USSR, US, | | | | spirit and tackle these enormous problems head on. |
| China and Japan as the principal powers influencing | | | | As a whole, the regions of Southeast Asia, Southern |
| events in Southeast Asia. Likewise, through the Foz de | | | | Africa and South America have peculiar kinds of |
| Iguazu Declaration of November 1985, Brazil and | | | | security concerns different from the Western idea of |
| Argentina declared that their nuclear programs were | | | | security. For them, security does not alone imply being |
| to be for peaceful purposes only. Such action on the | | | | safe from external threat and having a huge stockpile |
| part of Third World states can be seen as their desire | | | | or arsenal; it also means being secured from internal |
| to keep away from the Cold War politics of | | | | subversion. It also means regime maintenance and |
| interferences and aggressions from the superpowers | | | | continuance, secure systems of food, health, trade and |
| that destabilise the Third World regions. | | | | development. All these problems are interlinked. These |
| Post-Cold War Period | | | | problems challenge the legitimacy of governments |
| The decline of the Soviet Union and the change in the | | | | which in turn results in ineffective governments |
| bipolar world had more immediate effects for the Third | | | | incapable of ensuring security for the people. But at the |
| World. It witnessed the emergence of the United | | | | same time, no single organisation or model has |
| States as the sole superpower which has become | | | | managed to establish strong governance for these |
| even more powerful with time. | | | | regions to achieve these goals satisfactorily. To create |
| Politically, the end of the Cold War resulted in the | | | | a new organisation to address these issues is out of |
| removal of support for many Third World states and | | | | the question. The existing ASEAN, SADC and |
| movements. The collapse of the Soviet Union has | | | | MERCOSUR organisations can lead the way in |
| discredited the alternative model and ideology | | | | improving relations while at the same time seeking |
| represented by the Soviet Union. This in turn affected | | | | ways to ensure security for the Third World states, |
| many movements and supports in many Third World | | | | provided that these organisations become more |
| states including members of ASEAN, MERCOSUR | | | | proactive and sincere in their activities. |
| and SADC. Economically, it has also resulted in | | | | END NOTES |
| changes in the direction of trade and businesses. The | | | | [1] To read more on this, see Ullman (1983); Hirsch and |
| military dimension also produces the same result of | | | | Doyle (1977); Meadows et al (1972); Ruggie (1982); Walt |
| redirection of arms trade, transfers and dealings. The | | | | (1991); Mearcheimer (1990); Ayoob (1997); Peterson and |
| post Cold War world, epitomised by the great power | | | | Sebenius (1992); Lynn-Jones and Miller (1995); Buzan |
| influence of the US, its involvement in Third World | | | | (1991a); Buzan (1991b); Buzan et al (1998) and Wirtz |
| problems and conflicts (Iraq, Afghanistan etc.), besides | | | | (2002). |
| the complex web of international relations has and will | | | | [2] This is derived from Buzan et al (1998) |
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| established in 1994 was incorporated into the newly | | | | Affairs, Vol. 68 (2) pp. 162-177. |
| found OPDS. In 2003, a Mutual Defence Pact was | | | | Meadows, D et al (1972), The Limits of Growth: A |
| signed by SADC members. This was an official | | | | Report for the Club of Rome’s Report on the |
| commitment by SADC to function as a collective | | | | Predicament of Mankind, New York: Potomac |
| defence organisation. While "International terrorism and | | | | Associates. |
| proliferation of weapons of mass destruction… play | | | | Mearsheimer, John (1990), "Why We Will Soon Miss |
| as good as no role at all in the region" (Steinhilber | | | | the Cold War," The Atlantic Monthly, 226 (2), pp. 35-50. |
| 2006:11), the problem of HIV/AIDS is a big concern for | | | | Ohmae, Kenichi (1993) "The Rise of the Region State," |
| all African states. This creates instability and as a result | | | | Foreign Affairs, Spring |
| affects regional integration. The HIV/AIDS epidemic | | | | Ohmae, Kenichi (1996) The End of the Nation State, |
| has been a major factor and issue that raises a big | | | | New York: Touchstone |
| concern for southern African states at present. This | | | | Ohmae, Kenichi (1990) The Borderless World, New |
| problem is clearly reflected in the statement of Prega | | | | York: Harper Collins |
| Ramsamy (2001: 35), the former Secretary-General of | | | | Peterson, Peter and James Sebenius (1992), "The |
| the SADC when he said that, "the [HIV/AIDS] | | | | Primacy of the Domestic Agenda," in Graham Allison |
| pandemic continues to escalate in our Community. | | | | and Gregory Treverton (eds.) Rethinking America’s |
| Available statistics indicate that the rates of infected | | | | Security: Beyond Cold War to New World Order, New |
| people in the region could be as high as one in five in | | | | York: WW Norton and Co. pp. 57-93. |
| some member states. At least four member states | | | | Pion-Berlin, David (2000), "Will Soldiers Follow? |
| have rates higher than 400 per 100,000 population | | | | Economic Integration and Regional Security in the |
| indicating the magnitude of the problem." The SADC | | | | Southern Cone", Journal of Interamerican Studies and |
| members have committed themselves to collectively | | | | World Affairs, 42 no. 1, Spring 2000, pp. 43-69. |
| fight the HIV/AIDS epidemic in an urgent manner | | | | Ramsamy, Prega (2001), "SADC: The Way Forward," |
| (SADC 2003). | | | | in Christopher Clapham, Gregg Mills, Anna Morner and |
| Improved relations, the changed security agendas and | | | | Elizabeth Sidiropolous (eds.) Regional Integration in |
| the process of democratisation in Latin America since | | | | Southern Africa: Comparative Perspectives, |
| the late 1980s and early 1990s have led to a newly | | | | Johannesburg: South African Institute of International |
| shared perception of a vision for Latin America. The | | | | Affairs. |
| Treaty of Asunción established MERCOSUR in | | | | Ruggie, J. G. (1982), "International Regimes, |
| March 1991. With the admission of Bolivia and Chile, | | | | Transactions and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the |
| MERCOSUR expanded to represent 230 million | | | | Postwar Economic Order," International Organisation, |
| inhabitants, that is, 45 per cent of the population of | | | | Vol. 35 (2), pp. 379-415. |
| Latin America. Though the countries of the southern | | | | SADC (2003), SADC Declaration on HIV/AIDS, |
| cone do not face much external threats, closer | | | | Maseru, Lesotho, 4 July 2003. |
| economic ties and open borders often cause security | | | | Steinhilber, Jochen (2006), "Bound to Cooperate? |
| problems for their neighbours. As the military has taken | | | | Security and Regional Cooperation," Occasional |
| new tasks, the problem is whether a balance is | | | | Papers, September, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. |
| maintained between member countries in matters of | | | | Thomas, Caroline (1987), In Search of Security: The |
| security responsibilities and management. Argentina | | | | Third World in International Relations, Boulder, Colorado: |
| and Brazil are also opposed to the idea of the | | | | Rienner. |
| institutionalisation of the conference of American | | | | Ullman, Richard (1983), "Redefining Security" |
| defense ministers. This explicitly implies that they are | | | | International Security, Vol. 8 (1) pp. 129-153. |
| against a continental security system. Though they | | | | Wæver, Ole et al (eds) (1993), Identity, Migration and |
| explain that the countries of the continent are too | | | | the New Security Agenda in Europe, London: Pinter. |
| different, it can also imply that the two most powerful | | | | Walt, Stephen (1991), "The Renaissance of Security |
| states in the Southern Cone desire to wield their | | | | Studies," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 35 (2), pp. |
| influence on other members of the MERCOSUR and | | | | 211-239. |
| on the functioning of the regional integration | | | | Wenger, Andreas and Doron Zimmerman (2003), |
| arrangement itself. Paraguay and Uruguay favour a | | | | International Relations: From the Cold War to the |
| joint manoeuvre and want an advisory body for this | | | | Globalized World, Boulder: Lynne Rienner. |
| purpose because they are afraid that Argentina and | | | | Wirtz, James (2002), "A New Agenda for Security and |
| Brazil could use their nuclear technology for their own | | | | Strategy," in John Baylis et al (eds.) Strategy in the |
| ends despite nuclear treaties. Brazil is also said to have | | | | Contemporary World: An Introduction to Strategic |
| its own nuclear project. Chile meanwhile opted to have | | | | Studies, Oxford: Oxford University Press. |
| an autonomous defense policy. On the economic front, | | | | |